Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay Example for Free

Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay Abstract The Hispanic population in the United States has rapidly increased over the last decade and is underrepresented and cared for in mental health services. By understanding their culture and learning about the environment they live in therapists can better meet the patient’s needs. This paper covers Historical content, Family structure, Education, Rates of Psychiatric Disorders symptoms, and what to do as a therapist for Latino/Hispanic clients. Also discussed will be some research showing patterns of mental health changes between Hispanics that were born in America and those that were born in South America. This paper shouldn’t end your study in this area but serve as a motivator for further education. Mental Health Care for Latin Americans and Hispanic Americans When learning to counsel Latin/Hispanic Americans it is important to know a few facts about their culture and rates of mental illness. There are a few cultural bonds shared be Latin/Hispanic Americans. One of the biggest bonds is the Spanish language. The Spanish language and culture are common bonds for many Hispanic Americans, regardless of whether they trace their ancestry to Africa, Asia, Europe, or the Americas. The immigrant experience is another common bond. Nevertheless, Hispanic Americans are very heterogeneous in the circumstances of their migration and in other characteristics. To understand their mental health needs, it is important to examine both the shared and unique experiences of different groups of Hispanic Americans. One of the most distinguishing characteristics of the Hispanic/ Latin American population is its rapid growth. In the 2000 census the number of Hispanics counted rose to 35. 3 million, roughly equal to the number of African Americans (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001a). In fact, census projections indicate that by 2050, the number of Latinos will increase to 97 million; this number will constitute nearly one-fourth of the U. S. population. Projections for the proportion of Hispanic youth are even higher. It is predicted that nearly one-third of those under 19 years of age will be Hispanic by 2050 (Spencer Hollmann, 1998). Persons of Mexican origin comprise the largest proportion of Latinos (almost two-thirds), with the remaining third distributed primarily among persons of Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Central American origin, (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001b). It is noteworthy that nearly two-thirds of Hispanics (64 %) were born in the United States (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Another common bond is migration or immigration. Puerto Ricans began arriving in large numbers on the U. S. mainland after World War II as Puerto Ricos population increased. High unemployment among displaced agricultural workers on the island also led to large-scale emigration to the mainland United States that continued through the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1980s, the migration pattern became more circular as many Puerto Ricans chose to return to the island. One distinctive characteristic of Puerto Rican migration is that the second Organic Act, or Jones Act, of 1917 granted Puerto Ricans U. S. citizenship. Although Cubans came to the United States in the second half of the 19th century and in the early part of the 20th century, the greatest influx of Cuban immigrants began after Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio Batista government in 1959. First, an elite group of Cubans came, but immigration continued with people making the dangerous crossing to the United States by makeshift watercraft (Bernal Shapiro, 1996). Some of these immigrants, such as the educated professionals who came to the United States during the early phase of Cuban migration, have become well established, where-as others who arrived with few economic resources are less so. Unlike immigrants from several other countries, many Cubans have gained access to citizenship and federal support through their status as political refugees. Central Americans are the newest Latino subgroup in the United States. Many Central Americans fled their countries â€Å"por la situacion†, a phrase that refers to the political terror and atrocities in their homelands. Although the specific social, historical, and political contexts differ in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, conflicts in those countries led to a significant immigration of their citizens. About 21 percent of foreign-born Central Americans arrived in the United States between 1970 and 1979, and the bulk (about 70 %) arrived between 1980 and 1990 (Farias, 1994). The circumstances that caused various Hispanic groups to migrate greatly influence their experience in the United States. Cubans fled a Communist government, and, as a result, the U. S. Government has provided support through refugee or entrant status, work permits (Gil Vega, 1996), and citizenship. More than half (51 %) of Cuban immigrants have become U. S. citizens, compared to only 15 percent of Mexican immigrants (U. S. Census Bureau, 1998). Puerto Ricans, whether born on the mainland or in Puerto Rico, are by definition U. S. citizens and, as a result, have access to government-sponsored support services. However many Central American immigrants are not recognized as political refugees, despite the fact that the war-related trauma and terror that preceded their immigration may place them at high risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and may make adjustment to their new home more difficult. Many Latinos who arrive without proper documentation have difficulty obtaining jobs or advancing in them and live with the chronic fear of deportation. Finally, many Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Central Americans, and recent Cuban immigrants come as unskilled laborers or displaced agricultural workers who lack the social and economic resources to ease their adjustment. Hispanics are highly concentrated in the U. S. Southwest In 2000, 60 percent lived in five Southwestern States (California, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Texas). Approximately half of all Hispanic Americans live in two States, California and Texas (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). While many Southwestern Latinos are recent immigrants, others are descendants of Mexican and Spanish settlers who lived in the territory before it belonged to the United States. Some of these descendants, particularly those in New Mexico and Colorado, refer to themselves as Hispanos. More recent immigrants from Mexico and Central America are drawn to the Southwest because of its proximity to their home countries, its employment opportunities, and its established Latino communities, which can help them, find jobs. Outside the Southwest, New York, Florida, and Illinois are home to the largest concentrations of Hispanics. New York has 8. 1 percent, Florida, 7. 6 percent, and Illinois, 4. 3 percent of all the Latinos estimated to reside in the United States in 2000 (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). Two-thirds of Puerto Ricans on the mainland live in New York and New Jersey, and two-thirds of Cuban Americans live in Florida (Population Reference Bureau, 2000). Although specific subgroups of Latinos are associated with specific geographical regions, important demographic shifts have resulted in the increased visibility of Latinos throughout the United States. From 1990 to 2000, Latinos more than doubled in number in the following six states: Arkansas (170 %), Nevada (145 %), North Carolina (129 %), Georgia (120 %), Nebraska (108 %), and Tennessee (105 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Of the six States, Nevada is the only one located in a region with traditionally high concentrations of Latinos. Thus, in addition to growing in numbers, Hispanic Americans are spreading throughout the United States. Latinos are often referred to as family oriented (Sabogal et al. , 1987). It is important to note that familism is as much a reflection of social processes as of cultural practice (Lopez Guarnaccia, 2000). Specifically, the shared experience of immigrating to a new land or of experiencing difficult social conditions in ones homeland can promote adherence to family ties. In many cases, family connections facilitate survival and adjustment. The importance of family can be seen in Hispanic living arrangements. Although family characteristics vary by Latino subgroups, as a whole, Latinos, like Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, are most likely to live in family households and least likely to live alone. In addition, children (especially the females) tend to remain in the family until they marry Overall, Hispanics have less formal education than the national average. Of Latinos over 25 years of age, only 56 percent have graduated from high school, and only 11 percent have graduated from college. Nationally, 83 percent and 25 percent of the same age group have graduated from high school and college respectively (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). Hispanics educational attainment is related to their place of birth. In 1999, only 44 percent of foreign-born Hispanic adults 25 years and older were high school graduates, compared to 70 percent of U. S. -born Hispanic adults (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). The dropout rate for foreign-born Hispanics ages 16 to 24 is more than twice the dropout rate for U. S. -born Hispanics in the same age range (Kaufman et al. , 1999). A recent study of middle school Latino students questions why foreign-born adolescents and adults have the worst educational outcomes (C. Suarez-Orozco M. Suarez-Orozco, 1995). The study concluded that recent immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador had at least the same, or in some cases greater motivation to achieve than white or U. S. -born Mexican American students. The educational achievement of three of the main Hispanic subgroups reveals further variability. Cubans have the highest percentage of formally educated people. Of persons over 25 years of age, 70 percent of Cuban Americans have graduated from high school, whereas 64 percent of Puerto Ricans and 50 percent of Mexican Americans have graduated from high school (U. S.Census Bureau, 2000d). Moreover, one-fourth of Cuban Americans have graduated from college, which is identical to the college graduation rate of Americans overall. In contrast, Puerto Rican and Mexican-origin adults have lower college graduation rates, 11 percent and 7 percent respectively. Although Latinos as a group have poorer educational outcomes than other ethnic groups, there is sufficient variability to offer hope for them to catch up. Another shared area is income. The economic status of three of the main subgroups parallels their educational status. Cuban Americans are more affluent in standing than Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, as reflected in median family incomes (Cubans, $39,530; Puerto Ricans, $28,953; Mexicans, $27,883), the percentage of persons below the poverty line (Puerto Ricans, 31 %; Mexicans, 27 %; Cubans, 14 %) and the unemployment rates of persons 16 years and older (Puerto Ricans, 7 %; Mexicans, 7 %; Cubans, 5 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000d). The current income levels of the Latino subgroups are also related to the political and historical circumstances of their immigration. Elite Cuban immigrants have contributed in part to the relatively strong economic status of Cuban Americans. Their experience, however, stands in stark contrast to that of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Central Americans, most of who came to the United States as unskilled laborers. Historical and Sociocultural Factors That Relate to Mental Health Historical and sociocultural factors suggest that, as a group, Latinos are in great need of mental health services. Latinos, on average, have relatively low educational and economic status. In addition, historical and social subgroup differences create differential needs within Latino groups. Central Americans may be in particular need of mental health services given the trauma experienced in their home countries. Puerto Rican and Mexican American children and adults may be at a higher risk than Cuban Americans for mental health problems, given their lower educational and economic resources. Recent immigrants of all backgrounds, who are adapting to the United States, are likely to experience a different set of stressors than long-term Hispanic residents. Key Issues for Understanding the Research Much of our current understanding of the mental health status of Latinos, particularly among adult populations, is derived from epidemiological studies of prevalence rates of mental disorders, diagnostic entities established by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The advantage of focusing on rates of disorders is that such findings can be compared with and contrasted to findings from studies in other domains (e. g. , clinical studies) using the same diagnostic criteria. Although there are several advantages to examining DSM-based clinical data, there are at least three disadvantages. One limitation is that individuals may experience considerable distress-a level of distress that disrupts their daily functioning-but the symptoms associated with the distress fall short of a given diagnostic threshold. So, if only disorder criteria are used, some individuals need for mental health care may not be recognized. A second disadvantage is that the current definitions of the diagnostic entities have little flexibility to take into account culturally patterned forms of distress and disorder. As a result, disorders in need of treatment may not be recognized or may be mislabeled. A third limitation is that most of the epidemiological studies using the disorder-based definitions are conducted in community household surveys. They fail to include nonhousehold members, such as persons without homes or those who reside in institutions. Because of these limitations, it is important to broaden the review of research on mental health needs to include not only studies that report on disorders but include high-need populations not usually included in household-based surveys. Mental Disorders Adults A study found that Mexican Americans and white Americans had very similar rates of psychiatric disorders (Robins Regier, 1991). However, when the Mexican American group was separated into two sub-groups, those born in Mexico and those born in the United States, it was found that those born in the United States had higher rates of depression and phobias than those born in Mexico (Burnam et al. , 1987). The study found that relative to whites, Mexican Americans had fewer lifetime disorders overall and fewer anxiety and substance use disorders. Like some other findings, Mexican Americans born outside the United States were found to have lower prevalence rates of any lifetime disorders than Mexican Americans born in the United States. Relative to whites, the lifetime prevalence rates did not differ for Puerto Ricans, or for Other Hispanics. However, the sample sizes of the latter two subgroups were quite small, thus limiting the statistical power to detect group differences (Ortega et al. , 2000). A third study examined rates of psychiatric disorders in a large sample of Mexican Americans residing in Fresno County, California (Vega et al. , 1998). This study found that the lifetime rates of mental disorders among Mexican American immigrants born in Mexico were remarkably lower than the rates of mental disorders among Mexican Americans born in the United States. Overall, approximately 25 percent of the Mexican immigrants had some disorder (including both mental disorders and substance abuse), whereas 48 percent of the U. S. -born Mexican Americans had a disorder (Vega et al. , 1998). Furthermore, the length of time that these Latinos had spent in the United States appeared to be an important factor in the development of mental disorders. Immigrants who had lived in the United States for at least 13 years had higher prevalence rates of disorders than those who had lived in the United States fewer than 13 years (Vega et al. , 1998). It is interesting to note that the mental disorder prevalence rates of U. S. -born Mexican Americans closely resembled the rates among the general U.S. population. In contrast, the Mexican-born Fresno residents lower prevalence rates were similar to those found in a Mexico City study (e. g. , for any affective disorder: Fresno, 8 %, Mexico City, 9 %) (Caraveo-Anduaga et al. , 1999). Together, the results from the ECA, the NCS, and the Fresno studies suggest that Mexican-born Latinos have better mental health than do U. S. -born Mexican Americans and the national sample overall. A similar pattern has been found in other sets of studies. One study examined the mental health of Mexicans and Mexican Americans who were seen in family practice settings in two towns equidistant from the Mexican border (Hoppe et al. , 1991). This investigation found that 8 percent of the Mexican American participants had experienced a lifetime episode of depression, whereas only 4 percent of Mexican participants had experienced depression. The most striking finding from the set of adult epidemiological studies using diagnostic measures is that Mexican immigrants, Mexican immigrants who lived fewer than 13 years in the United States, or Puerto. Ricans who resided on the island of Puerto Rico had lower prevalence rates of depression and other disorders than did Mexican Americans who were born in the United States, Mexican immigrants who lived in the United States 13 years or more, or Puerto Ricans who lived on the mainland. This consistent pattern of findings across independent investigators, different sites, and two Latino subgroups (Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans) suggests that factors associated with living in the United States are related to an increased risk of mental disorders. Some authors have interpreted these findings as suggesting that acculturation may lead to an increased risk of mental disorders e. g. , Vega et al. , 1998. The limitation of this explanation is that none of the noted epidemiological studies directly tested whether acculturation and prevalence rates are indeed related. At best, place of birth and numbers of years living in the United States are proxy measures of acculturation. However, acculturation is a complex process (LaFromboise et al. , 1993); it is not clear what aspect or aspects of acculturation could be related to higher rates of disorders. Is it the changing cultural values and practices, the stressors associated with such changes, or negative encounters with American institutions (e. g. , schools or employers) that cause some of the different prevalence rates (Betancourt Lopez, 1993)? Before acculturation can be accepted as an explanation for this observed pattern of findings, it is important that direct tests of specific acculturation processes be carried out and that alternative explanations for these findings be ruled out. More research would be especially helpful in identifying the key predictors of Latinos mental health and mental illness. Older Adults Few studies have examined the mental health status of older Hispanic American adults. A study of 703 Los Angeles area Hispanics age 60 or above found over 26 percent had major depression or dysphoria. Depression was related to physical health; only 5. 5 percent of those without physical health complications reported depression (Kemp et al. , 1987). Similar findings associated chronic health conditions and disability with depressive symptoms in a sample of 2,823 older community-dwelling Mexican Americans (Black et al. , 1998). The findings from in-home interviews of 2,723 Mexican Americans age 65 or older in Southwestern communities revealed a relationship between low blood pressure and higher levels of depressive symptomatology (Stroup-Benham et al. , 2000). These data are somewhat difficult to interpret. Given the fact that somatic symptoms (e. g. , difficulty sleeping and loss of appetite) are related to poor health, these studies could simply document that these somatic symptoms are elevated among older Hispanics who are ill. On the other hand, presence of physical illness is also related to depression. Taken together, these findings indicate that older Latin/Hispanics who have health problems may be at risk for depression. Furthermore, a recent study suggests that the risk for Alzheimers disease may be higher among Latin/Hispanic Americans than among white Americans (Tang et al. , 1998). Symptoms The early epidemiological studies of Latinos/Hispanics examined the number of symptoms, not the number of mental disorders, reported by groups of Latin/ Hispanic Americans, and in some cases compared them to the number of symptoms reported by white Americans. Much of this research found that Latinos/Hispanics had higher rates of depression or distress than whites Frerichs et al. , 1981. In a large-scale study of Latin/ Hispanics Americans, Cuban Americans (Narrow et al. , 1990) and Mexican Americans (Moscicki et al. , 1989) were found to have lower rates of depressive symptoms than Puerto Ricans from the New York City metropolitan area Moscicki et al. , 1987; Potter et al. , 1995. In another line of inquiry, Latin/Hispanic American mothers who have children with mental retardation were found to report high levels of depressive symptomatology. It is important to note that measures of symptoms may reflect actual disorders that may not be measured in a given study, as well as general distress associated with social stressors but not necessarily associated with disorders. Two studies provide evidence that depressive symptom indices used with Latinos tend to measure distress more than disorder. In one study, rates of depressive symptoms were found to be similar among poor Puerto Ricans living in New York City and in Puerto Rico (Vera et al. , 1991), even though earlier analyses indicated different rates of major depression for the two samples Canino et al., 1987; Moscicki et al. , 1987. In the second study, symptoms of depression were less related to diagnosis of depression for those Hispanics who were economically disadvantaged than for those Hispanics more socially advantaged (Cho et al. , 1993). If an index of depressive symptoms were an indicator of both general distress and disorder, then that index would have been related to a diagnosis of depression for both economically advantaged and disadvantaged samples. Culture-Bound Syndromes DSM-IV recognizes the existence of culturally related syndromes, referred to in the appendix of DSM as culture-bound syndromes. Relevant examples of these syndromes for Latin/Hispanic Americans are â€Å"susto† (fright), â€Å"nervios† (nerves), and â€Å"mal de ojo† (evil eye). One expression of distress that is most commonly associated with Caribbean Latinos but has been recognized in other Latinos as well is â€Å"ataques de nervios† (Guarnaccia et al. , 1989). Symptoms of an ataque de nervios include screaming uncontrollably, crying, trembling, and verbal or physical aggression. Dissociative experiences, seizure-like or fainting episodes, and suicidal gestures are also prominent in some ataques. In one study carried out in Puerto Rico, researchers found that 14 percent of the population reported having had ataques (Guarnaccia et al. , 1993). Furthermore, in detailed interviews of 121 individuals living in Puerto Rico (78 of who had had an ataque), experiencing these symptoms was related to major life problems and subsequent psychological suffering (Guarnaccia et al. , 1996). There is value in identifying specific culture-bound syndromes such as ataques de nervios because it is critical to recognize the existence of conceptions of distress and illness outside traditional psychiatric classification systems. These are often referred to as popular, lay, or common sense conceptions of illness or illness behavior (Koss-Chioino Canive, 1993). Some of these popular conceptions may have what appear to be definable boundaries, while others are more fluid and cut across a wide range of symptom clusters. For example, many people of Mexican origin apply the more general concept of nervios to distress that is not associated with DSM disorders, as well as to distress that is associated with anxiety disorders, depressive disorders (Salgado de Snyder et al., 2000), and schizophrenia (Jenkins, 1988). Though it is valuable for researchers and clinicians alike to learn about specific culture-bound syndromes, it is more important that they assess variable local representations of illness and distress. The latter approach casts a wider net around understanding the role of culture in illness and distress. In the following quote, Koss-Chioino (1992) (page 198) points out that a given presenting problem can have multiple levels of interpretation: the mental health view, the folk healing view (in this case, spiritist), and the patients view. The same woman, during one episode of illness, may experience depression in terms of hallucinations, poor or excessive appetite, memory problems, and feelings of sadness or depression, if she presents to a mental health clinic; or, alternatively, in terms of backaches, leg aches, and fear, if she attends a Spiritist session. However, she will probably experience headaches, sleep disturbances, and nervousness regardless of the resource she uses. If we encounter her at the mental health clinic, she may explain her distress as due to disordered or out-of-control mind, behavior, or lifestyle. In the Spiritist session she will probably have her distress explained as an obsession. And if we encounter her before she seeks help from either of these treatment resources, she may describe her problems as due to difficulties with her husband or children. Individuals with Alcohol and Drug Problems Studies have consistently shown that rates of substance abuse are linked with rates of mental disorders (Kessler et al. , 1996). Most studies of alcohol use among Hispanics indicate that rates of use are either similar to or slightly below those of whites (Kessler et al. , 1994). However, two factors influence these rates. First, gender differences in rates of Latinos use are often greater than the gender differences observed between whites. Latinas are particularly unlikely to use alcohol or drugs (Gilbert, 1987). In some cases, Latino men are more likely to use substances than white men. For example, in the Los Angeles ECA study, Mexican American men (31 %) had significantly higher rates of alcohol abuse and dependence than non-Hispanic white men (21 %). In addition, more alcohol-related problems have been found among Mexican American men than among white men (Cunradi et al., 1999). A second factor associated with Latinos rates of substance abuse is place of birth. In the Fresno study (Vega et al. , 1998), rates of substance abuse were much higher among U. S. -born Mexican Americans compared to Mexican immigrants. Specifically, substance abuse rates were seven times higher among U. S. -born women compared to immigrant women. For men, the ratio was 2 to 1. U. S. -born Mexican American youth also had higher rates of substance abuse than Mexican-born youth (Swanson et al. , 1992). The study of mental disorders and substance abuse among Latinos suggests two specific types of strengths that Latinos may have. First, as noted, Latino adults who are immigrants have lower prevalence rates of mental disorders than those born in the United States. Among the competing explanations of these findings is that Latino immigrants may be particularly resilient in the face of the hardships they encounter in settling in a new country. If this is the case, then the identification of what these immigrants do to reduce the likelihood of mental disorders could be of value for all Americans. One of many possible factors that might contribute to their resilience is what Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (1995) refer to as a dual frame of reference. Investigators found that Latino immigrants in middle-school frequently used their families back home as reference points in assessing their lives in the United States. Given that the social and economic conditions are often much worse in their homelands than in the United States, they may experience less distress in handling the stressors of their daily lives than those who lack such a basis of comparison. U. S. -born Latinos are more likely to compare themselves with their peers in the United States. Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco argue that these Latino children are more aware of what they do not have and thus may experience more distress. A second factor noted by the Suarez-Orozcos that might be related to the resilience of Latino immigrants is their high aspiration to succeed. Particularly noteworthy is that many Latinos want to succeed in order to help their families, rather than for their own personal benefit. Because the Suarez-Orozcos did not include measures of mental health, it is not certain whether their observations about school achievement apply to mental health. Nevertheless, a dual frame of reference and collective achievement goals are part of a complex set of psychological, cultural, and social factors that may explain why some Latino immigrants function better than Latinos of later generations. A second type of strength noted in the literature is how Latino families cope with mental illness. Guarnaccia and colleagues (1992) found that some families draw on their spirituality to cope with a relatives serious mental illness. Strong beliefs in God give some family members a sense of hope. For example, in reference to her brothers mental illness, one of the informants commented: We all have an invisible doctor that we do not see, no? This doctor is God. Always when we go in search of a medicine, we go to a doctor, but we must keep in mind that this doctor is inspired by God and that he will give us something that will help us. We must also keep in mind that who really does the curing is God, and that God can cure us of anything that we have, material or spiritual. (p. 206) Jenkins (1988) found that many Mexican Americans attributed their relatives schizophrenia to nervios, a combination of both physical and emotional ailments. An important point here is that nervios implies that the patient is not blameworthy, and thus family members are less likely to be critical. Previous studies from largely non-Hispanic samples have found that both family criticism and family blame and criticism together (Lopez et al., 1999) are associated with relapse in patients with schizophrenia. Mexican American families living with a relative who has schizophrenia are not only less likely to be critical, but also those who are Spanish-speaking immigrants have been found to be high in warmth. This is important because those patients who returned from a hospital stay to a family high in warmth were less likely to relapse than those who returned to families low in warmth. Thus, Mexican American families warmth may help protect the relative with schizophrenia from relapse. The spirituality of Latino families, their conceptions of mental illness and their warmth all contribute to the support they give in coping with serious mental illness. Although limited, the attention given to Latinos possible strengths is an important contribution to the study of Latino mental health. Strengths are protective factors against distress and disorder and can be used to develop interventions to prevent mental disorders and to promote well-being. Such interventions could be used to inform interventions for all Americans, not just Latinos. In addition, redirecting attention to strengths helps point out the overemphasis researchers and practitioners give to pathology, clinical entities, and treatment, rather than to health, well-being, and prevention. Availability of Mental Health Services Finding mental health treatment from Spanish-speaking providers is likely to be a problem for many Spanish-speaking Hispanics. In the 1990 census, about 40 percent of Latinos reported that they either didnt speak English or didnt speak English well. Thus, a significant proportion of Latinos need. Spanish-speaking mental health care providers. Presently there are no national data to indicate the language skills of the Nations mental health professionals. However, a few studies reveal that there are few Spanish-speaking and Latino providers. One survey of 1,507 school psychologists who carry out psychoeducational assessments of bilingual children in the eight States with the highest percentages of Latinos found that 43 percent of the psychologists identified themselves as English-speaking monolinguals (Ochoa et al. , 1996). In other words, a large number of Engli.

Legislation and Regulation for Money Laundering

Legislation and Regulation for Money Laundering Finance and Investment Law – Money Laundering Current Legislative and Regulatory Arrangements Money laundering is a menace. Tainted funds from drugs traffic and terrorism are the prime causes of the recent round of energetic legislation designed to make life more difficult for the launderers. The European Directive on Money Laundering has been followed in the UK by primary and delegated legislation. The aim is to deter laundering by well-focused use of the criminal law and, at the same time, to obstruct it by compelling banks and other persons and institutions in the financial services industry to ask more questions, keep more records and divulge more information. The money laundering legislation does not bear directly on the civil law, but, it will profoundly alter professional practices and is bound to filter back into the setting of standards which determine the incidence of civil liability. The huge profits of the drugs industry are gained ultimately from thousands of users who will never so much as contemplate recourse to the civil law. It is different in the case of theft, fraud and corruption. There the victims and their insurers have economic power, and the sums at stake are often large enough to justify a restitutionary campaign in the courts. Tracing is a weapon against laundering. It allows value held in one form at one place to be located later in other assets in another place. It lengthens the victims reach. Successful civil campaigns have been waged. The most notorious is the insurers recovery of assets derived from the Brinks Mat robbery. Often the defendants are not the principal rogues but others to whom the money has come or through whom it has passed. To the victim of a massive fraud, a bank or firm of lawyers or accountants will seem the most promising defendant, if the facts will only support a claim against them. This aggressive opportunism on the part of victims is a factor to be borne in mind as the law settles the conditions of the various restitutionary and restitution related liabilities which can be brought into play. In one recent case the plaintiff had been cheated of millions of dollars in Amsterdam. A sophisticated laundering operation had passed the money through many accounts in different names in different parts of the world. The plaintiff nonetheless traced a large part of it to a legitimate property development in London, and the development company had to make restitution. The same problems encountered in restitutionary campaigns after fraud are also met in more innocent contexts, as where money is paid away by mistake or on a basis which fails. Even in cases of the less disreputable kind the fact that the law will allow the value of one asset to be traced into another can confer great advantages. It will sometimes allow a plaintiff to extend a priority against an insolvent by enabling him to claim it, not against the asset with which he originally parted but against another to which its value can be traced. And it will sometimes allow a plaintiff to leapfrog the immediate recipient and claim against a third party who received, in different assets, value which proceeded from him. For all its utility tracing is one of the least perfectly understood areas of the law of restitution. It is caught on the horns of a dilemma. The longer its reach and therefore the greater its potency against fraud, the more difficult it is to describe exactly how it works; an d the more one insists on the need for an accurate and intelligible account of how it works, the greater the danger of shortening its reach. But there is no real doubt as to how this dilemma must be resolved. The law cannot tolerate figures which are beyond rational description. If there turn out to be limits to what can intelligibly be done by tracing, other weapons will have to be invoked. The law of tracing and claims contingent on tracing will soon settle down. Less stable in the medium term may be the law relating to or affected by restitutionary defenses. The introduction of the defense of change of position is already transforming the law of restitution. In one bound it has put the English law of unjust enrichment in closer touch with German law, and it may yet indirectly effect a civilian transformation of our approach to the cause of action itself. Festina lente may be the order of the day. The down to earth English approach may in fact be preferable. It is a great virtue of the English law of unjust enrichment that it talks in terms of very familiar reasons for restitution and does not go in for the metaphysics of causa and the absence thereof. Canada has succumbed to the temptation to start looking for sufficient juridical cause. The danger of that language is all the greater when it is not underpinned by mature civilian doctrine: it does not tell us why or wh en restitutionary rights arise but merely conceals the absence of an intelligible answer to those questions. Whatever larger changes it may portend, the new defense indubitably provides a new strategy for reconciling the interest in restitution with the interest in the security of receipts. As it takes over the protection of the latter it encourages a liberalization of the restrictive attitudes to the grounds of restitution. Those restrictions were previously the blunt instruments for the protection of that interest. The new focus on change of position also entails more attention to other defenses in its immediate vicinity. In this paper, bona fide purchase, ministerial receipt and passing on assert their independence. Counter-restitution impossible also declines to be absorbed into change of position but appears to be destined to have little future as an absolute defense. The Society of Public Teachers of Law once again stands in debt to those who gave up their time to attend these seminars and, especially, to the judges who were kind enough to take the chair. Lord Justice Millett chaired the seminar on tracing and Lord Goff chaired the seminar on defenses. We are most grateful both for their generous surrender of free time, if indeed a judge can these days be said to command any of that valuable commodity, and for the learning and wisdom with which they brought order to the discussion (United Kingdom Model Agreement, May 2003). Case Example In AGOSI v. United Kingdom the Court was faced with the question whether the imposition of a confiscation necessarily implies that the owners of the confiscated property should have been afforded the same rights as those granted to everyone in the determination of a criminal charge. The German company AGOSI had suffered a considerable economic loss when the UKs Customs Excise department had seized and eventually forfeited golden Krugerrands to a value of  £120,000 that had been illegally imported into the United Kingdom. Defendants X and Y were caught by UK Customs Excise officers as they attempted to smuggle into the United Kingdom on 2 August 1975 the golden Krugerrands they had bought on the same day from AGOSI in Germany (M2 Presswire, March 1, 2004). Because the cheque presented by them for payment had been drawn without provision, the sale contract was ab initio null and void and AGOSI had retained ownership of the Krugerrands. AGOSI initiated several procedures in the Unit ed Kingdom for restitution of the confiscated Krugerrands but was unsuccessful. AGOSI therefore took the case to the European Court of Human Rights, complaining that the confiscation amounted to a procedure for the determination of a criminal charge in which it had been denied the fair trial rights laid down in Article 6 of the European Convention. The Court responded that: The fact that measures consequential upon an act for which third parties were prosecuted affected in adverse manner the property rights of AGOSI cannot itself lead to the conclusion that, during the course of the procedures complained of, any criminal charge, for the purposes of Article 6, could be considered as having been brought against the applicant company. As a general statement this is undoubtedly true. The mere fact that persons own property that is being confiscated does in itself not necessarily imply that a criminal charge is being brought against them. When, for example, instrumentalities of an offence are being confiscated, that does not necessarily imply that a criminal charge should be brought against the owners who may very well have not been implicated in the offence in any way. Confiscation of proceeds from crime as a matter of fact often implies that the person who is being prosecuted is not the real owner. Nine years after AGOSI, the European Court of Human Rights arrived at a similar decision in Air Canada v. United Kingdom, which again involved a seizure by the UK Customs Excise, this time of an aircraft on board which drugs had been found on several occasions, including a few days earlier. The aircraft was only seized temporarily for a few hours until Air Canada paid a sum of  £50,000. 116 The European Court agreed with the English Court of Appeal that the case did not concern an in personam procedure but an in rem procedure and therefore did not require that mens rea of the owner or the possessor was established. This, as well as the fact that non-payment of the sum could not give rise to criminal prosecutions, unlike some out-of-court settlements (transactions) and that the procedure did not involve the intervention of criminal courts at any stage, induced the Court to reach the conclusion that the action of the UKs Customs Excise department did not amount to a criminal charge in the sense of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It is submitted that this decision is flawed. The case law of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the applicability of Article 6 to confiscation procedures should be seen in close connection to its case law regarding the right to property, entrenched in Article 1 of the First Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights. In AGOSI the Court held that an import prohibition on golden coins constituted a law necessary to control the use of property and that the seizure and confiscation of the Krugerrands were consequently measures taken in accordance with this prohibition and were therefore governed by the second paragraph of Article 1 of the First Protocol. The Court ruled in the same sense in Air Canada. The text of Article 1, however, prompts the question whether confiscation of proceeds from crime should not be considered a deprivation of property under the first paragraph of this provision: 1. Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions. No one shall be deprived of his possessions except in the public interest and subject to the conditions provided by law and by general principles of international law. 2. The preceding provisions shall not, however, in any way impair the right of a State to enforce such laws as it deems necessary to control the use of property in accordance with the general interest or to secure the payment of taxes or other contributions or penalties. This question was answered in the negative in Raimondo v. Italy, which concerned seizure and confiscation of real estate that was derived from mafia practices. It was held that although it involves deprivation of possessions, confiscation of property does not necessarily come within the scope of the second sentence of the first paragraph of Article 1 of Protocol No. 120 The Court referred to its prior judgments in AGOSI and Handyside, in which the Court seemed to have considered confiscation as a preventive measure. This was undoubtedly the case in Handyside where the Court held that the seizure, confiscation and destruction of obscene publications constitute a law necessary to control the use of property and were thus governed by the second paragraph of Article 1 of the First Protocol. These measures effectively prevented further distribution of the publication. It is, however, submitted that the confiscation of the illegally imported Krugerrands in AGOSI did not constitute a preventive measure as it did not pertain to the use of the property but only to certain economic-political goals that were set by the British Parliament. The (possession of) property was not unlawful per se at most; the confiscation dealt with derivative contraband, but not with per se contraband. An even more flagrant example is that of M v. Italy, a case decided by the European Commission of Human Rights, in which it was accepted that the confiscation of proceeds from crime under the Italian anti-mafia laws pursuant to a reversal of burden of proof did not fall foul of Article 6 of the Convention nor of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 as these confiscation measures were preventive and hence did not amount to a criminal penalty. Although all these cases differed from the earlier mentioned case of Welch v. UK (in which the Court did accept the criminal nature of the confiscation of drug trafficking proceeds) 124 in that the imposition of these confiscations did not require that the person was found guilty of a criminal offence, it is submitted that the punitive character of these confiscations could and should have been deduced from the possibility that the owner might avoid confiscation by demonstrating his innocence – a possibility which was explicitly acknowledged by the European Commission and the Court of Human Rights. In this perspective, it is useful to refer to the line of reasoning adopted by the American Supreme Court which explicitly deduced the punitive nature of in rem confiscations from the fact that confiscation is excluded in case owners can demonstrate exceptional innocence. It inevitably follows from this line of reasoning that the confiscation in AGOSI amounted to a penalty, as it wa s at least in part based on guilt of the owner. In Air Canada the punitive nature of the seizure of the aircraft as an instrument of crime was even more blatant, as it was not the aircraft as such that constituted the contraband, but the drugs that had been found on it on earlier occasions. It should be equally clear that the confiscation of assets belonging to a mafia member and presumably derived from an illegal origin, though termed preventive, is in fact nothing else but a criminal penalty. Given the absence of a formal international legislator, it is not surprising that the influence of soft law has been especially notable on the international level. The contribution of international soft law instruments to the fight against money laundering is impressive. One of the earliest international initiatives undertaken in the field of money laundering was the Recommendation No. R (80) 10 adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on 27 June 1980 entitled Measures against the transfer and safeguarding of the funds of criminal origin. The first international instrument to address the issue of money laundering specifically was the Basle Statement of Principles of 12 December 1988, issued by the Basle Committee on Banking Regulations and Supervisory Practices. The Basle Committee, which comprises the authorities charged with banking supervision of twelve western countries, thought it necessary to take action against money laundering lest public confidence, and hence the stability of banks, should be undermined by adverse publicity as a result of inadvertent association by banks with criminals. Regardless of the fact that the primary function of banking supervision is to maintain overall the financial stability of the banking system rather than to ensure that individual financial transactions are legitimate, the supervisors thought that they could not stay indifferent to the use made of banks by criminals. Money Laundering Regulations 2003 The new regulations replace the Money Laundering Regulations 1993 and 2001 and require any person who carries a relevant business to maintain certain anti money-laundering administrative and training procedures. In particular, the activity of dealing in goods by way of business whenever a transaction involves accepting a cash payment of 15,000 or more, will mean that the business needs to comply with the Regulations. Furthermore, records of identification evidence must be kept for at least five years following the end of the business relationship. Failure to maintain the necessary procedures is a criminal offence carrying a maximum penalty of two years` imprisonment and a fine. Research commissioned by BT and GB Group, has found two thirds (67 per cent) of top UK businesses are currently not compliant with new money laundering legislation that came into force on March 1, 2004, leaving their directors open to legal action and a possible two-year jail sentence. The Money Laundering Regulations 2003 require all UK businesses to prove the identity of their customers when handling cash transactions for goods of euro15,000 or more, and also to have adequate record-keeping procedures in place to demonstrate necessary checks have been undertaken. Furthermore, 40 per cent of companies that have implemented what they regard to be acceptable identity authentication processes feel they could still be victims of money laundering, and over half (53 per cent) of those with solutions in place fear that money laundering activity will increase over the next couple of years (The Daily Mail February 23, 2004). The new extended money laundering regulations make it a legal requirement for companies to have robust systems for customer validation and record keeping in place. However, research clearly highlights that organizations are confused about how to achieve compliance, and that there is a worrying lack of confidence in identity verification systems that are already in place. To help companies address this problem, BT has developed an online authentication service, called URU, in partnership with GB Group (Haynes, 2004). URU helps businesses protect themselves against the growing problem of identity fraud, and by helping them work towards achieving compliance with money laundering legislation it may even help keep directors out of jail. URU enables companies subscribing to the service to decide instantly whether to accept the identity claimed by an individual. It does this by asking a series of questions and comparing the information gathered to that held in the most comprehensive data se ts available in the UK, producing match or no match reports. The result is a faster, cheaper, secure and more convenient way to fight identity fraud. URU also provides businesses with an independent audit, thereby helping companies demonstrate compliance with the Money Laundering Regulations 2003. Other findings from the research include: A quarter of all respondents have no identity-checking process in place at all and have no plans to introduce one. Of those with defined and documented identity-checking processes in place, businesses remain confused about some of the basic terms of the legislation: o 34 per cent are unable to state the threshold value level of goods at which a money laundering check should be triggered o 10 per cent do not regularly ask for key identification documents such as a passport or drivers license. A quarter is unclear that directors are now personally liable for any breaches. There are marked variations in levels of compliance across different market sectors. Compliance is highest amongst financial services companies, with 62 per cent of stockbrokers and 55 per cent of Independent Financial Advisers (IFAs) already compliant, compared to only three per cent of car dealers and 23 per cent of luxury good companies (Dale, 2001). More than one in four companies feel that the cost of compliance will mean certain transactions will have to be refused, and 13 per cent see it as a cost that will have to be passed on to customers. The different levels of understanding about the requirements of the Money Laundering Regulations are a problem not only for businesses that need to comply, but also for the regulators aiming to crack down on this serious crime. It is in the interests of both parties to stem the rise of money laundering as a crime. Our URU system, which is designed specifically to help companies make large numbers of identity checks quickly and cost effectively, also helps organizations to meet the requirements of the regulations. Surveyors, estate agents, accountants, lawyers, licensed conveyancers and sellers of high value goods will now have had exactly a year to get to grips with the Money Laundering Regulations 2003 (Money Management; July 1, 2004). They are all caught within the range of business activities included in the regulations, and have had to set up internal compliance regimes. These involve regulation by the relevant authorities, training to ensure staff are alert to possible money laundering, the appointment of a money laundering reporting officer, identification procedures to check the details of all clients within the regulated sector and records of all identification checks to be kept for six years. Conclusion The objective standard for the suspicion of money laundering essentially provides the rationale for the know your client/know your business requirements. Failure to report a suspicion of money laundering is judged on the standard of whether a reasonable IFA would have been suspicious in all the circumstances. So what should make an IFA suspicious? The following are examples and should not be taken as an exhaustive list of circumstances that may give rise to suspicion. The important element is understanding what suspicion actually means. At the most basic level an IFA should be cautious of a client introduced through a third party or intermediary based in a country where drug production and trafficking, or terrorism is prevalent. This is not to say that suspicion should automatically arise in this context. It is perhaps only the background against which the reasonable IFA may later find grounds for suspicion. A transaction may have the requisite quality of suspicion where, without logical explanation, funds are routed in and out of the jurisdiction or between different accounts or institutions, or a transaction leads to financial loss. The settlement or payment following any transaction may also be suspicious if a client requests an unusual form of settlement. The term unusual will depend on the usual circumstances, but a request for payments in cash, or to a third party, or through a series of payments from an account may be suspicious. Recognizing a warning signal is the first step to complying with anti money laundering laws. If an unusual or unpredictable circumstance does arise which gives an IFA cause for concern, then the next step is to ask more questions. The answers to those questions will either allay fears or provide a foundation for reasonable suspicion. Bear in mind that although drugs and terrorism are examples of the crimes where money laundering cash is likely to be an is sue, the new laws relate to any proceeds, however small, from any crime, however petty it may seem. In particular, the new laws cover proceeds from tax evasion and benefit fraud. Various regulatory bodies have issued guidance to assist with the interpretation of the new laws. The guidance is also important to note because a court will take account of the guidance issued in a particular industry when applying the objective test as to whether someone knew or suspected money laundering. Bibliography Money laundering regulations. M2 Presswire; March 1, 2004. New laundering clampdown. The Daily Mail (London, England); February 23, 2004. Taken to the cleaners. Money Management; July 1, 2004. Haynes, A., Recent Developments in Money Laundering Legislation in the United Kingdom, JIBI (2004), 58–63. Dale, R., Reflections on the BCCI Affair: A United Kingdom Perspective, Intl Law (2001), 949–62. United Kingdom Model Agreement Concerning Mutual Assistance in Relation to Drug Trafficking (May 2003), reprinted in Mitchell, Hinton and Taylor, Confiscation.

Effect Of Temp On Endo And Ectotherms (metabolism) :: essays research papers

Animal metabolism consists of the utilization of nutrients absorbed from the digestive tract and their catabolism as fuel for energy or their conversion into substances of the body. Metabolism is a continuous process because the molecules and even most cells of the body have brief lifetimes and are constantly replaced, while tissue as a whole maintains its characteristic structure. This constant rebuilding process without a net change in the amount of a cell constituent is known as dynamic equilibrium (Grolier1996). In the combustion of food, oxygen is used and carbon dioxide is given off. The rate of oxygen consumption indicates the energy expenditure of an organism, or its metabolic rate (Grolier1996).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Metabolic rate is directly linked to the core temperature in an animal. An ectotherm, or cold blooded animal, warms its body mainly by absorbing heat from its surroundings. The amount of heat it derives from its metabolism is negligible. In contrast, endotherms derive most or all of its body heat from its own metabolism (Campbells,p899). Because ectotherms do not produce their own heat, they cannot actively ensure their ideal temperature for an ideal metabolic rate (aquacult.htp).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the following experiment, we will attempt to examine the relationship between metabolic rate and environmental temperature in both an ectoderm and an endotherm. I predict that for the ectotherm, the metabolic rate will increase as the outside environment temperature will increase. I also predict that the metabolic rate in the endotherm will remain relatively the same as the outside environment temperature changes. I also make the prediction that the ectotherm will have much lower metabolic rates than the endotherm.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The procedures for this experiment are those that are referred to in Duncan and Townsend, 1996 p9-7. In our experiment however, each student group chose a temperature of either 5 C, 10 C, 15 C, or 20 C. Each group selected a crayfish, and placed it in an erlenmeyer flask filled with distilled water. The flask’s O2 levels had already been measured. the flask was then placed in a water bath of the selected temperature for thirty minutes, and then the O2 levels were measured again. Each group shared their findings with the class. The metabolic rates of the mouse were conducted by the instructor and distributed. We also did not use the Winkler method to measure the O2 levels. We used a measuring device instead.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The results of this experiment are shown in the compiled student data in Table 1 below.

The Search for Language in The Awakening Essay -- Chopin Awakening Es

The Search for Language in The Awakening  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚   Kate Chopin’s novel, The Awakening, tells the story of a late nineteenth century woman trying to break away from the male-dominated society to find an identity of her own.   Edna Pontellier is trying to find herself when only two personas are available to her: the ‘true woman,’ the classic wife and mother, or the ‘new woman,’ the radical women demanding equality with men.   Patricia S. Yaeger, in her essay â€Å"‘A Language Which Nobody Understood’: Emancipatory Strategies in The Awakening,† argues that what Edna is really searching for is a female language of her own.   Edna is prevented from finding her own language and ideal and therefore is trapped until she discovers that suicide is her only way out.   The ending of the novel has been considered Edna’s final step in her search for freedom from the restrictive society she lives in.   Elaine Showalter, in her essay â€Å"Tradition and the Female Talent : The Awakening as a Solitary Book,† and others say that it is Edna’s last move towards female liberation, but is it really?   Suicide hardly seems liberating.   Edna lives in a phallocentric world where women have no identities apart from their relationships with men.   Leslies W. Rabine, in her essay â€Å"No Lost Paradise: Social Gender and Symbolic Gender in the Writings of Maxine Hong Kingston,† says that â€Å"traditional male narratives† are based â€Å"on a linear and circular quest to return to a lost paradise† (Rabine 90), however, female narratives do not have this lost paradise.   The world in which Edna lives traps her so that the paradise she is seeking cannot exist.   The paradise Edna is looking for is nothing more than a situation in which she can be truly happy.   The fundamentally phallocentric... ...Awakening.   1993: Bedford Books, New York. Griggers, Cody.   â€Å"Next Stop – Paradise: An Analysis of Setting in The Awakening.† Domestic Goddess.   Editor, Kim Wells. August 23, 1999.   Online.   Internet.   5-10-00.   http://www.womenwriters.net/domesticgoddess/griggers.htm Rabine, Leslie W.   â€Å"No Lost Paradise: Social and Symbolic Gender in the Writings of   Maxine Hong Kingston.†Ã‚   As it appears   Ã‚  Ã‚   in: Wong, Sau-Ling Cynthia.   Maxine Hong Kingston’s The Woman Warrior: A Casebook.   1999: Oxford University Press, New York. Showalter, Elaine.   â€Å"Tradition and the Female Talent: The Awaking as a Solitary Book.†Ã‚   As it appears in: Chopin, Kate.   The   Ã‚  Ã‚   Awakening.   1993: Bedford Books, New York. Yaeger, Patricia S.   â€Å"‘A Language Which Nobody Understood’: Emancipatory Language in The Awakening.   As it appears in: Chopin, Kate.   The Awakening.   1993: Bedford Books, New York.

The Critical Reception of Flappers & Philosophers Essay -- Philosophy

The Critical Reception of Flappers & Philosophers Flappers and Philosophers served as F. Scott Fitzgerald’s â€Å"initial encore† after the â€Å"considerable success† of his first novel, This Side of Paradise.[1] Fitzgerald’s publisher, Scribners, â€Å"liked to have its authors issue short-story collections soon after they had published novels†; the Fall of 1920 offered Fitzgerald, as well as the publishing firm, a unique opportunity to both reinforce and, hopefully, expand the writer’s popular appeal.[2] Fifteen of his stories had been previously published or accepted for future publication when Fitzgerald selected stories for inclusion in Flappers and Philosophers in April of 1920. While the author â€Å"conceived initially of this collection as a mixture of poetry and prose,† the finished volume featured eight stories composed subsequent to the completion of This Side of Paradise and previously published in leading magazines, including the Saturday Evening Post, Smart Set, and Sc ribner’s Magazine.[3] Dedicated â€Å"TO ZELDA† and published on September 10, 1920, only five months removed from This Side of Paradise, Flappers and Philosophers sold well, enjoying a first printing of 5,000 copies and sales of 13,325 copies by November 1922.[4] Although the popular response to the collection appeared overwhelmingly enthusiastic, â€Å"the critical response was mixed† and, at times, â€Å"quite hostile.†[5] Some critics proposed that the volume â€Å"marks the conversion of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s undisciplined and turbid genius†¦into a bridled and clarified talent† and praised mastery â€Å"of the mechanism of short story technique†; a comparatively complimentary review in the New York Sun contends that â€Å"these short stories are not so much technically perfec... ...rs and Philosophers, by F. Scott Fitzgerald (New York: Scribner’s, 1959), 12 [4] Eble, Kenneth, F. Scott Fitzgerald. (New York: Twayne, 1963), 54 [5] Petry, Alice Hall, Fitzgerald’s Craft of Short Fiction: The Collected Stories, 1920-1935 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1989), 9 [6] Bryer, 15, 17 [7] Bryer, 15 [8] Bryer, 16; Petry, 9 [9] Bryer, 16; Eble, 54 [10] â€Å"Flappers.† The New York Times [New York] 26 September 1920 [11] Times 26 September 1920; Klatt, Marion, â€Å"Critical Reception of Flappers and Philosophers† (http://www.people.vcu.edu/~bmangum/F&P.html) [12] New York Herald, 24 October 1920, qtd. in Klatt [13] Mizener, 16 [14] Tate, Mary Jo. F. Scott Fitzgerald A to Z. (New York: Facts on File, 1998), 90 [15] Bryer, 22 [16] Ibid. [17] Bryer, 20 [18] Bryer, 21, 23 [19] Petry, 52, 51 [20] Mizener, 15; Petry, 52 The Critical Reception of Flappers & Philosophers Essay -- Philosophy The Critical Reception of Flappers & Philosophers Flappers and Philosophers served as F. Scott Fitzgerald’s â€Å"initial encore† after the â€Å"considerable success† of his first novel, This Side of Paradise.[1] Fitzgerald’s publisher, Scribners, â€Å"liked to have its authors issue short-story collections soon after they had published novels†; the Fall of 1920 offered Fitzgerald, as well as the publishing firm, a unique opportunity to both reinforce and, hopefully, expand the writer’s popular appeal.[2] Fifteen of his stories had been previously published or accepted for future publication when Fitzgerald selected stories for inclusion in Flappers and Philosophers in April of 1920. While the author â€Å"conceived initially of this collection as a mixture of poetry and prose,† the finished volume featured eight stories composed subsequent to the completion of This Side of Paradise and previously published in leading magazines, including the Saturday Evening Post, Smart Set, and Sc ribner’s Magazine.[3] Dedicated â€Å"TO ZELDA† and published on September 10, 1920, only five months removed from This Side of Paradise, Flappers and Philosophers sold well, enjoying a first printing of 5,000 copies and sales of 13,325 copies by November 1922.[4] Although the popular response to the collection appeared overwhelmingly enthusiastic, â€Å"the critical response was mixed† and, at times, â€Å"quite hostile.†[5] Some critics proposed that the volume â€Å"marks the conversion of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s undisciplined and turbid genius†¦into a bridled and clarified talent† and praised mastery â€Å"of the mechanism of short story technique†; a comparatively complimentary review in the New York Sun contends that â€Å"these short stories are not so much technically perfec... ...rs and Philosophers, by F. Scott Fitzgerald (New York: Scribner’s, 1959), 12 [4] Eble, Kenneth, F. Scott Fitzgerald. (New York: Twayne, 1963), 54 [5] Petry, Alice Hall, Fitzgerald’s Craft of Short Fiction: The Collected Stories, 1920-1935 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1989), 9 [6] Bryer, 15, 17 [7] Bryer, 15 [8] Bryer, 16; Petry, 9 [9] Bryer, 16; Eble, 54 [10] â€Å"Flappers.† The New York Times [New York] 26 September 1920 [11] Times 26 September 1920; Klatt, Marion, â€Å"Critical Reception of Flappers and Philosophers† (http://www.people.vcu.edu/~bmangum/F&P.html) [12] New York Herald, 24 October 1920, qtd. in Klatt [13] Mizener, 16 [14] Tate, Mary Jo. F. Scott Fitzgerald A to Z. (New York: Facts on File, 1998), 90 [15] Bryer, 22 [16] Ibid. [17] Bryer, 20 [18] Bryer, 21, 23 [19] Petry, 52, 51 [20] Mizener, 15; Petry, 52

Staying Informed: Old News

There was a time when news information was disseminated by a select few who had access to the relevant reports, files, and statistics.   When this was the case, the world gathered around a radio, shared a newspaper, or turned on the television—one that had fewer than ten channels).   This â€Å"news† was often like a leftover meal in terms of value: by the time it was released, the world had moved forward, and something new was hot. Progress was made, and television news programs began to delve deeper into stories; reporters suddenly began delivering â€Å"breaking† news reports, and the information was at least lukewarm when the public got its hands it.   It was the era of reporters like Paul Harvey who took what the world knew, dug more deeply, and presented â€Å"the rest of the story† (Radio Legend Paul Harvey Biography, 2003). Today, a cell phone can alert its owner of breaking news stories from around the world; reporters deliver broadcasts live from battlefields; and the internet has made it possible to receive information almost instantly.   Most consumers now get their news online, via one of hundreds of television channels, or through a variety of print media.   Unfortunately, the days of print media and even local reporting seem to be dying, and while their loss may not even create a ripple, what they have to offer the consumer is irreplaceable. It is true that the average printed report cannot provide the live-action, emotionally packed footage of a series of photographs or a streaming video, but words do matter, and while one’s brain struggles to capture the intricacies of backgrounds, sounds, and images that flash in front of the eyes in photographs and videos, the thought-process of the viewer is overwhelmed by the visual imagery. MSNBC online featured a written report and a series of videos and slide shows on October 16, 2006 that captured the story surrounding the earthquake in Hawaii the previous day. When compared, the headline video and headline print report reveal some very interesting trends in the ways in which the news is disseminated. The headlining video report â€Å"Powerful Earthquakes Shake Hawaii† is two and one-half minutes long and features a variety of images that show damage to a local woman’s home, the picture of a landslide caught by a photographer, various tourists being inconvenienced, file footage of volcanic eruption, the Hawaiian coastline, people buying gas, and shoppers at a grocery store. These pictures are accompanied by interview sound bites or voiced-over by reporter Howard Dashefsky, but the entire report is devoid of real information.   What might one expect as the aftermath of an earthquake on a populated island that is also a tourist attraction?   If I had guessed at the â€Å"aftermath,† I would have imagined almost everything I saw in Dashefsky’s report.   Although the images were fascinating and even engaging at times, I left the report with virtually no residual caring and no remnant thoughts: nothing of value had been added to my brain. The headline print report begins with â€Å"officials fanned out across Hawaii early Monday to inspect bridges and roads following the strongest earthquake to rattle the islands in more than two decades, a 6.6-magnitude quake that caused blackouts and landslides, but no immediate reports of fatalities† (Associated Press).   In the opening paragraph of the print report, I found out what happened; I felt sorrow and relief; and I was driven to consider the after-effects of the earthquake in ways not even broached by the video report.   It took me less than one minute to read the print report, but in that minute I learned about what had happened, where it had happened, that no tsunami was expected, what was being done, what would be done—the list is almost endless. Those who watch the video report will stand around water coolers discussing benign elements of the event.   The will recall the semi-ravaged home of one resident and the fight to get gas and groceries; moreover, they will congratulate themselves on not having wasted their own money on a spoiled Hawaiian vacation.   This is the kind of thinking that is being fostered in the United States: superficial, image-based, self-centered, and desensitized. Those who take (less) time to actually read about the earthquake will stand around the water cooler discussing factual details.   They will likely be amazed by the good fortune of such a historically large earthquake resulting in no fatalities; they will wonder if the roads and bridges where they live would be damaged after such an event; they may ponder how long the state of disaster will remain in effect; they will think about how happy they are not to be there on vacation, but it will most likely not be the first thing on which they comment.   This is the kind of thinker that is in danger of dying in the United States: one who craves facts and the chance to critique them while expanding his/her knowledge base. The ability to receive immediate information is a boon to the news consumer; however, the availability of instant images, facts, and reports must be combined with words that are as stimulating, powerful, and informative as the visual clues—or a numbing of the mind and the senses is bound to occur.   Reports that are piping hot can be delivered to the public as a combination of the best of what can be seen, what can be heard, and what can be read.   Like a dinner filled with the necessary food groups, communication needs to combine its sources and resources for the most palatable and healthiest results. References Associated Press, The.   (October 16, 2006).   Hawaii checks bridges, roads after quake: Landslides and power outages but no reports of deaths.   MSNBC.   Retrieved October 16, 2006, from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/15286294/. Dashefsky, H.   (October 16, 2006).   Powerful earthquakes shake Hawaii.   MSNBC Video.   Retrieved October 16, 2006, from http://video.msn.com. Radio Legend Paul Harvey Biography.   (2003).   Paul Harvey: The Voice of the New Millennium.   paulharvey.com: ABC Radio Networks.   Retrieved October 16, 2006, from http://www.paulharvey.com/bio.shtml.

Brand Awareness and Perception towards Branded Jewellery Essay

The gems and jewellery industry occupies an important position in the Indian economy and is one of the fastest growing industries in the country. In the late 1990s, the Indian jewellery market witnessed a shift in consumer perceptions of jewellery. Apart from its historical religious significance, Jewellery is valued as an important savings and investment vehicle in India. Even in present times, Jewellery remains the Indian bride’s `Streedhan’, the wealth she takes with her when she marries and which remains hers. Gold jewellery is the preferred jewellery worn by women in India irrespective of their religious beliefs. In marriages, gold jewellery is the gift preferred by the near relatives of the bride and the groom. Jewellery is very popular among farmers, with an upsurge in gold sales after a good agricultural season. Buying of gold is an important part of every stage of an Indian citizen’s life— at birth, marriage, construction of home, festivals, relig ious ceremonies, setting up of new business, and death. Instead of being regarded as only an investment option, jewellery was being prized for its aesthetic appeal. In other words, the focus seemed to have shifted from content to design. Trendy, affordable and lightweight jewellery soon gained familiarity. Branded jewellery also gained acceptance forcing traditional Jewellers to go in for branding. As India makes rapid progress in the retail arena, the Indian Jewellery market is undergoing a gradual metamorphosis from unorganised to organised formats. Jewellery retailing is moving from a ‘storehouse of value’ to a precious fashion accessory. Plain gold is gradually easing its stranglehold on the Indian consumer psyche to give way to diamonds, platinum and coloured gemstones. The way jewellery was worn before is undergoing a tremendous change. However branded jewellery players will continue to face lot of competition from local jewellers. In order to gain market share, they will have to come up with designs that customers want and win the trust and confidence of consumers by hallmarking and demonstrating the purity of the gold used by them. To compete with traditional players, branded players must also find some way to differentiate themselves. While the success of a particular brand will depend on differentiation, affordability and quality will be a key element  in sustaining a brand. The present study will help us to understand the brand awareness and perception of the customers towards MALABAR GOLD jewellery in Bangalore. 3. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM In the emerging knowledge based economy it has become necessary to know how much market power lies with the brand name. Awareness and Perception are the two key metrics that any company would use to measure their brand strength. The study of brand awareness and perception is essential in marketing planning. Customer needs and preferences keep changing where brands ultimately command customer’s loyalty. Without brand awareness occurring, no other communication effects can occur. For a consumer to buy a brand they must first be made aware of it. Brand attitude cannot be formed, and intention to buy cannot occur unless brand awareness has occurred. Brand perception is created by consumer experience with the brand’s product or service. In other words, perception is the values consumers attach to a brand. After the purchase of specialty goods or shopping goods, the customer exhibits post purchase behaviour. It may be either cognitive consonance or cognitive dissonance. The consonance leads to dissatisfaction. But when it comes to customers going in high value premium segment goods such as gold, diamond and platinum ornaments, in a high competitive with too many players in the market, then the customer surely has a wide range of choice to choose from and carefully evaluates the different showrooms before making a purchase decision. In such a situation, any purchase dissonance will lead to very high degree of dissatisfaction, which may also lead to spreading negative opinion to the prospective buyer of jeweller’s outlet. Hence a research is undertaken to understand the brand awareness and perception towards branded jewellery with specific reference to Malabar Gold and Diamonds, Bangalore. 4. OBJECTIVES OF STUDY Primary objective The main objective of the study is to determine the level of brand awareness  and brand perception of Malabar Gold Jewellery, and the use of it as a measure to increase the marketing effectiveness of Malabar Brand Jewellery. Secondary objectives i. To compare the customer preference between the branded and non branded jewellery ii. To understand the parameters the customers consider while buying jewellery iii. To know how brand preference is formed in purchasing Malabar Gold jewellery among customers iv. To measure the level of satisfaction of customers of Malabar Gold v. To analyze the marketing strategies of Malabar Gold with regard to brand awareness and perception 5. RESEARCH DESIGN TYPE OF RESEARCH The study will be descriptive in nature POPULATION Customers buying gold in Bangalore City SAMPLE SIZE The sample for the study would be limited to 105 respondents. SAMPLING UNIT For this study the respondents will be the customers buying gold and diamond jewellery TYPE OF SAMPLING Simple random sampling method will be used for the study. TOOLS OF DATA COLLECTION Primary data: Primary data will be collected using a structured questionnaire as well as personal interview method. Secondary data: The secondary data for this work will be obtained from company magazines and brochures, website, newspapers, internet, text books, reports and other promotional materials. HYPOTHESES STATED FOR THE STUDY: Hypothesis 1 Null Hypothesis (H0): Gender of customers and preference for branded and non-branded jewellery is independent. Alternative Hypothesis (H1): Gender of customers and preference for branded and non-branded jewellery is independent. Hypothesis 2 Null Hypothesis (H0): Marital Status of customers and purchase of jewellery is independent. Alternative Hypothesis (H1): Marital Status of customers and purchase of jewellery is dependent. PLAN OF ANALYSIS The data collected from various sources will be tabulated and represented using the percentage and ranking method. Graphical tools like bar diagrams, pie charts etc., will be used to illustrate the tabulated data pictorially. Inferences and interpretation of the data will be done on the basis of tabulated data. In both Hypotheses 1 and 2, the null hypotheses will be tested using Chi-Square test for independence of attributes at 5% level of significance. 6. PROPOSED CHAPTER SCHEME: a. Introduction b. Review of Literature & Research Design c. Profile of Industry/Business/Selected Organisations d. Results, Analyses and Discussions e. Summary of Findings, Conclusions and Recommendations.